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But not so the United States where the White House and Congress have become cheerleaders for torture. It will be hard for Washington to keep holding itself up to be the world champion of human rights when its torturers are hard at work inflicting unspeakable punishments on suspects. America and France are sister democracies. President Macron has shown Washington how to deal with the crime of torture. Algeria gained independence in thanks to the wisdom of President Charles De Gaulle. The once noble struggle for independence turned into a bloodbath.


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Algeria fell under military rule and suffered worse horrors than even the French inflicted. It appears that the United States and Israel will continue to find excuses for remaining in Syria, even if that means sparking a global conflagration of epic proportions.


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In a major address in London on December 7, , days before he received the Nobel Peace Prize in Oslo, King spoke about segregation, the fight for civil rights and his support As a result, colleges became responsible for policing the sexual behavior of their students too. Pressing forward under the Obama administration, sexual misconduct cases on campuses were tried under a preponderance of the evidence standard rather than a higher standard of clear and convincing evidence. Within these extrajudicial tribunals, students—most often young men—could be found guilty of sexual assault or rape and expelled following unsubstantiated allegations and with little opportunity to defend themselves.

Although current Education Secretary Betsy DeVos has revoked the Obama-era guidelines that instituted these kangaroo courts, many institutions under pressure to react have expanded their zero tolerance policies, often at the expense of basic due process and fairness. In the s, radical feminists opposed the Equal Rights Amendment, arguing that it individualized and deradicalized feminism. Yet today, a feminist outlook now shapes policy, practice, and law at all levels of the government, as feminists seek to transform society through the state rather than by opposing it.

This places the onus on the accused to prove they had sought and obtained consent; in other words they must prove their innocence. This is a radical shift, yet it is being enshrined in legislation with little discussion. California and New York have passed legislation requiring colleges to adopt an affirmative consent standard in their sexual assault policies.

In , the American Law Institute, influential with state legislators, debated introducing an affirmative consent standard into state laws. History tells us that legislation driven by feminism can have unintended consequences. VAWA sought more prosecutions and harsher sentences for abuse in relationships.

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But a more intensive law enforcement focus on minority communities, coupled with mandatory arrests of both partners on the scene of a dispute, resulted in unanticipated blowback. Police were accused of over-criminalizing minority neighborhoods; critics said women were disinclined to call the police for fear of being arrested themselves. A Harvard study suggests that mandatory arrest laws may have actually increased intimate partner homicides and, separately, women of color have described violence at the hands of the arresting police officers.

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Feminists in the s argued that all women had interests in common; they shared an experience of oppression. The same can hardly be said today. An elite group of women with professional careers and high salaries has little in common with women juggling two or more jobs just to make ends meet. Yet the feminist voices that are heard most loudly continue to be those of privileged women. But remember that these women have incomes and lifestyles that put them in a different league from the vast majority of women—and men.

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They identify more closely with the tiny proportion of male CEOs than they do with women who have jobs rather than careers, who wear uniforms rather than dry-clean-only suits to work, who have no time to hit the gym before heading to the office. Their vociferous feminist call to arms falls flat in Middle America—yet we are told they speak for all women. In , feminists do walk the corridors of power. But in order to maintain their position and moral high ground they must deny the very power they command.

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For this reason, feminism can never admit its successes—to do so would require its adherents to ask whether their job is done. For professional feminists, women who have forged their careers in the femocracy, admitting this not only puts their livelihoods at risk, but poses an existential threat to their sense of self.

The need to sustain a narrative of oppression explains the continued popularity of the MeToo phenomenon. The allegations against Weinstein mounted and he is now being charged with sexual assault and rape. Over the following weeks and months, accusations of sexual misconduct were leveled against a host of other men in the public eye.

Such serious accusations need to be dealt with in the courts and, if found guilty, the perpetrators punished accordingly. But rather than arrests, trials, and criminal proceedings, MeToo has gathered pace through social media. MeToo took on a life of its own; it readily lent itself to an already-established fourth-wave feminist narrative that saw women as victims of male violence and sexual entitlement.

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Women in the public eye are now routinely asked about their own experiences of sexual harassment. What no woman can do—at least not without instigating a barrage of criticism—is deny that sexual harassment is a major problem today. He and his companions were killed during the Algerian Civil War by Islamists. In addition to Claverie, those being beatified are: They were kept as a bartering chip to procure the release of several imprisoned members of the Armed Islamic Group of Algeria, and were killed in May.

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After the death of the monks of Tibhirine, Bishop Claverie knew his life was in serious danger. A bomb exploded at the entrance of his chancery Aug. The Algerian martyrs shed their blood for Christ, pope says.